1. Introduction. Moldova: from the medieval principality to the modern state

It is today generally accepted that the year 1359 can be considered as the starting point in the history of the principality of Moldova – a medieval state situated between the Carpathian Mountains to the West and to the North, the Nistru River to the North and to the East, and the Romanian Plain, the Danube River and the Black Sea to the South (Fig. 1). During the next several centuries, the history of medievalMoldovahas found its definition through a continuous fight for survival, in a geopolitical realm dominated by its strong neighbors: theOttoman Empire, thePolishKingdom, theMagyarKingdom, the Habsburg Empire, or, later, the Russian and the Austro-Hungarian Empires. At the same time, from its very beginnings, the principality ofMoldovashared a common linguistic and cultural development with two other neighboring principalities:WallachiaandTransylvania[1].

Figure 1. Medieval principality of Moldova:

The three countries, usually called “the three Romanian principalities” by historians, have been united several times since the late Middle Ages until our days. The first unification of the three Romanian principalities has occurred in the year 1600, under the reign of Mihai the Brave. It lasted for only several months – by the end of 1600 the neighboring empires have reinstalled their domination over each of the three principalities. The second unification of two of the three Romanian principalities occurred in 1859. Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the elected Prince of Moldova, is encouraged to run for the throne of Wallachia. Taking advantage from a generally favorable international context, the Wallachian Nobles’ Assembly (in charge of electing the Prince) votes in favor of Cuza’s election as Prince of Wallachia. Thus, the same person became the ruler of the two principalities, and a new state – The United Romanian Principalities – is born. It whould be mentioned here that several decades before its unification with Wallachia, the principality of Moldovahas undergone several divisions. In 1775 its Northern province (called Bukovina) is annexed by the Austrian Empire, and becomes part of the Galician province (part of Eastern Austria). In 1812, after the Russo-Turk War of 1806 – 1812, the Eastern part of Moldova, situated between the Riversof Nistruand Prutand later named Bessarabia, is annexed by the Russian Empire [2]. In 1813, Bessarabiabecomes a province (gubernia) of the Russian Empire. As a consequence of these successive amputations, at the moment of its unification withWallachia in 1859, the principality ofMoldova constitutes only about 40% of the territory and a little over 50% of the population of the medieval principality ofMoldova, as it existed before 1775.

The United Romanian Principalities gain their independence from the Ottoman Empirein 1877. Several years later, in 1881, the country changes its name into the Kingdomof Romania. The end of World War I finds Romaniain a very favorable international context, as the surrounding empires are disintegrating one by one. The Russian Empire is dissolved after the 1917’s February Revolution, that has put an end to the Russian absolute monarchy of the Tsars. The Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917 plunges Russiainto a profound crisis followed by the Civil War (1918 – 1921). The former Russian gubernia lying at the periphery of the former Empire gains the right to self-determination, proclaimed by Lenin immediately after the Bolshevik Revolution. Making use of this right to self-determination, the leading elite of Bessarabia realizes the unification of this territory with the Romanian Kingdom. On March 27^th 1918, the Council of the Country (Sfatul Tarii) – an elected body formed by representatives of the people of Bessarabia – proclaims the end of the Russian domination over the territory, and its re-unification with its Motherland, Romania [3]. In the same period, the Austro-Hungarian Empire undergoes a complex but very rapid process of decomposition, as most of the national minorities within the Empire proclaim their independence by the end of the war in November 1918. Following the example of other nations, the Romanians living in the Austro-Hungarian Empire proclaim their freedom from the dominating rule. On November 28^th 1918, Bukovina, the Northern part of the medieval Moldovan principality, proclaims its re-attachment to the national territory, and becomes part of the Kingdom of Romania. Several days later, on December 1^st 1918,Transylvania proclaims its unification withRomania (Fig. 2). The process of the Romanian re-unification is therefore completed, and Greater Romania will become during the following two decades one ofEurope’s most democratic and prosperous states.

Figure 2. GreaterRomaniabetween the two World Wars:

The beginning of World War II in 1939 puts an end to the national Romanian state. In fact, the Soviet-Nazi non-aggression pact signed in 1939 between Ribbentrop and Molotov, contains a secret additional protocol, providing for the division of “regions of interest and control” between USSRand Germany. According to this secret protocol, the Baltic States, together with the Eastern part of Polandand with Bessarabia, become part of the Soviet “sphere of influence”. These territories are soon simply annexed to the Soviet Union, despite all international law and diplomatic practice existing at that time. Thus, on June 28^th 1940, less than 22 years after its re-unification with Romania, Bessarabia is once again part of the Russian empire (this time the Empire is called “USSR”). In order to regain its Eastern territories, Romania enters WWII in 1941 in an alliance with Nazi Germany. Following the German invasion of the USSR (started on June 22^nd, 1940),Bessarabia is once again part ofRomania. This will last until August 1944, when the province is annexed by theUSSR. This time, Russian occupation will last for over 4 decades. The former Bessarabian province is once again amputated: its Northern and Southern parts are annexed to theUkrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The rest of the territory, together with 5 districts on the left bank of theNistruRiver, is transformed into the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR).

On August 27^th 1991, as a result of the national awakening of the Moldovan Romanians, the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic becomes an independent state, under the name of theRepublic ofMoldova. Even before its independence, Moldova is facing serious territorial problems: in early 1990 two “autonomous republics” are proclaimed on the territory of MSSR: the “Gagauz republic” in the South, and the “Transnistrian Moldavian Republic” in the East, on the left bank of the Nistru River (Fig. 3). The proclamation of these two autonomous republics is strongly supported byRussia, and the separatist movements very rapidly become the main obstacles on the way of economic and social development of the newly-independent state [4].

Figure 3.RepublicofMoldova. The separatist regions at the beginning of the 1990’s:

The Declaration of Independence of theRepublicofMoldovastates very clearly the objective of a further re-unification ofRomania. Thus, according to this founding document, the Moldovans are recognized as part of the Romanian nation, speaking the Romanian language and traditionally belonging to the Romanian cultural area. This perspective is not acceptable for pro-Russian forces, and they react by giving birth to separatist, reactionary political movements. The situation becomes extremely tensioned, as the separatists neglect completely the rule of constitutional law of theRepublicofMoldova. In early 1992, several months after having proclaimed its independence and stated its perspective towards the re-unification withRomania, theRepublicofMoldovais facing a civil war against the Transnistrian separatists, heavily supported by theRussian Federation. After several months of military confrontation, a ceasefire agreement is signed between the Moldovan and the Russian Presidents, putting an end to direct military operations, but keeping intact the situation regarding the positions occupied by the separatists on the territory of theRepublicofMoldova. Until our days, the Eastern districts ofMoldovaare controlled by the separatist authorities, the “Transnistrian republic” is not recognized by any state in the world, but continues to be heavily supported by theRussian Federation. Meanwhile, three Southern districts obtain the status of Administrative Territorial Unit of Gagauzia (1995).

2. The formation of the Moldovan Diaspora: late 1990’s – present

The main cause of massive population departure during the last two decades has been the extreme poverty in which theRepublicofMoldovahas plunged since the 1990’s. The collapse of theUSSRin the early 1990’s was followed by a general economic crisis (also often called “the crisis of the transition towards the market economy”) in all the former Soviet republics. What actually differed from one state to another, was the speed of economic recovery. In the case of theBaltic States, for example, the stabilization and the economic growth have occurred relatively quickly, as a result of serious and dynamic economic reforms, implemented by the ruling political elite immediately after the fall of the Soviet Empire. In theRepublicofMoldova, the implementation speed of economic reforms has suffered from the total opposition of interior forces, still loyal to the imperial mentality. Thus, the transition of the Moldovan economy towards the free market took place very slowly. At the same time, the consolidation of an open society with strong democratic institutions has been seriously slowed down. By mid-1990’s, the population of theRepublicofMoldovahas found itself in a state of extreme poverty. According to the National Human Development Report: Material poverty and human development [5], five main causes of poverty inMoldovacan be identified:

-          General economic collapse suffered during the transition, failure to reform the economy and consolidate competitive economic sectors;

-          Errors in social protection policies;

-          The unbalanced economic and sociodemographic structure of the economy;

-          Unfavourable geographical factors (lack of domestic energy resources, landlocked position);

-          Foreign trade barriers and internal constraints (corruption, administrative barriers);

The consequences of this ravaging poverty have not been very long to show themselves: the end of the 1990’s is known as the start of massive emigration of Moldovan citizens. In the case of theRepublicofMoldova, we are speaking mainly about economic emigration, as the main reason that has pushed the Moldovan population to move out of the country is poverty. Nevertheless, political reasons can not be neglected, as we will discuss further, in the context of the Communist Party’s rule during 8 years, between 2001 and 2009.

The Moldovan labor market was deeply affected by the massive departure of Moldovan citizens. According to an IOM Report [6]:

“… By 2006 an estimated 28 per cent of the working population had migrated, constituting 18 per cent of the entire population. Some estimates even suggest that in the period 2003 – 2004 up to 39 per cent of the economically active population has been working overseas”

As of today, there is no clear picture regarding the number of Moldovan citizens living and/or working abroad: different estimates offer figures, varying from 318,000 [7] to 1,000,000[1]. How can we explain this situation? As a matter of fact, this situation is the conjugated result of several circumstances. First, the Moldovan embassies and Consulates are not working sufficiently with local Moldovan diasporas. In the vast majority of cases, the number of diplomatic missions’ employees is simply not sufficient and does not dispose of elementary capacities that are needed for an efficient and fruitful collaboration with Moldovan emigrated communities. A certain number of countries with large Moldovan communities simply do not have any Moldovan Embassy or Consulate. Another cause that can explain the lack of precise figures regarding the Moldovan émigrés is the phenomenon of circular and/or seasonal migration, which is very common, especially towards theRussian Federation. The vast majority of Moldovans spending several months per year inRussia (especially during the summer) do not even register their stay in this country. There is no need for a visa in order to travel toRussia, and the majority of emigrated Moldovans working there are not officially declared by their employers. Thus, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to estimate the precise number of Moldovans living and/or working inRussia. Another aspect making it very difficult to estimate the number of emigrated Moldovans, is the use of the Romanian passport. A large number of Moldovans are nowadays also citizens ofRomania. This circumstance gives them free access to the European Union countries, where in most cases they occupy non-declared jobs and have a semi-legal residence status. Depending on the administration of each particular host country, these citizens declare themselves as Moldovans, or as Romanians, or as both. It is therefore easy to understand that this ambiguity does not simplify the task of evaluating correctly the precise number of emigrated Moldovans throughout the world.

Regarding the main characteristics of the Moldovan emigrated communities, several questions arise. In the following, we will attempt to briefly answer several of these questions:

a.) What are the main destination countries for Moldovan migrants?

1. Western Europe: Italy (est. 225,000) [8], Spain (est. 60,000), Portugal (est. 40,000),

Why?

Practically no language barrier (the Romanian language is particularly close to Italian, Spanish and Portuguese), cultural proximity, migration facilities in the early 2000’s (massive legalization campaigns of foreign working migrants inItalyand inSpain)

Type of migration:

Permanent migrants, mainly women in the elderly people care sector, or young men in the construction sector

2. Russian Federation(est. 200,000)

Why?

No language barrier (Russian is currently spoken by practically all Moldovans aged over 25, and by a large number of younger Moldovans), cultural proximity, no need for a visa

Type of migration:

Permanent migrants, mainly young men in the construction sector, also some seasonal migration in the summer

3.Canada(est. 15,000)

Why?

Attractive immigration policy

Type of migration:

Permanent migrants, mainly young families, with high level of education

b.) What is the situation of Moldovan migrants from a legal point of view?

As of 2008, approximately 35% of migrants still reside in their host countries illegally. Illegal residence status has apparently become more widespread in CIS countries while the situation has improved in the EU and other host countries. As a consequence of massive legalization campaigns in the beginning of the 2000’s, migrants who stay in their destination country for an extended period often manage to obtain regular status. Indeed, of those individuals classified as a migrant in both 2006 and 2008, and without a residence permit in 2006, 65 per cent were legalized by 2008. These observations reflect in part the legalization campaigns in several West European countries, includingItalyandSpain[6].

c.) What are the effects of the migration on the household structure inMoldova?

Since 2006, about 100,000 individuals have leftMoldovapermanently [6]; of these approximately 60,000 individuals were members of whole households that leftMoldova. This number may continue to increase as better opportunities for legal residence in EU member states can lead to more stable Moldovan Diasporas and migrant networks in desirable destination countries.

d.) What are the economic consequences of massive migration forMoldova?

The large diaspora now constitutes a key economic factor, and remittances have become vital to the Moldovan economy (Fig. 4).

Figure 4. Remittances as Per Cent of GDP inMoldova[9]:

e.) Is massive migration leading the country to economic prosperity?

In order to answer this question, we show here the figures regarding Moldova’s Human Development Index rank, according to the United Nations Human Development Report 2009 [10]. As we can see it (Fig. 5), in 2009 Moldova was at the 117^th rank – the lowest ofEurope. As a matter of fact, the largest part of remittances is used for consumption, not investment in the economy.

Figure 5. HDI rank of theRepublicofMoldova(2009):

3. April 7, 2009: the start of new democratic change in Moldova

In February 2001, the Party of Communists of the Republicof Moldovawins the parliamentary elections, gaining the constitutional majority of 71 seats (out of 101 total) in the Moldovan Parliament. Four years later, in 2005, the communists win again the elections, but with “only” 56 seats out of 101. In order to re-elect the communist President V. Voronin (61 votes in the Parliament needed), a political agreement is signed between the Party of Communists, and several opposition right-wing parties. As part of this agreement, the communists pledge to fully engage into the process of Moldova’s European integration. The agreement also contains several specifications regarding the respect of human rights, the guarantees for the functioning of democratic institutions, freedom of press and equal access of all political actors to public media. The reality is nevertheless very different: the clauses of the political agreement are completely neglected, and the opposition leaders who have voted for the re-election of V. Voronin as President of the Republicof Moldovafall into general disgrace. In this context, the Party of Communists loses hand in the 2007 local elections. These elections are marked by several important events: the democratic opposition wins the majority in 2/3 of the local district councils, and the City Hallof Chisinau(the capital) is won by the young leader of the Liberal Party, Dorin Chirtoaca (aged 28). The results of the 2007 local elections mark the beginning of the political change in Moldova. Meanwhile, three Liberal, right-wing parties consolidate their positions. Different polls held several months before the 2009 parliamentary elections show that the Party of Communists should not have the majority in the future Parliament. However, the official results of the April 5^th 2009 elections proclaim the victory of communists: 60 seats (out of 101). Allegations of massive fraud are pronounced by the leaders of the democratic opposition, and sustained by a series of international observers. The communists can form the Government, but not elect the President (61 votes needed).

On the evening of Monday, April 6, about 20,000 young Moldovans gather spontaneously in the center of Chisinau, demanding for repeated voting. On the morning of April 7, more than 40,000 young protesters gather in the center of Chisinau, not far from the Presidency and the Parliament buildings. Police forces do not respond properly to isolated provocations from several tens of troublemakers, infiltrated into the crowd: shortly, direct confrontation degenerates into street fighting between police and protesters. In the afternoon and in the evening, the buildings of the Presidency and Parliament are devastated by a small group of aggressive hooligans (Fig. 6). The official government accuses the leaders of the democratic opposition of fomenting the riots.

Figure 6. Images from the April 6^th and April 7^th 2009 protests:

During the night, and several days afterwards, very cruel police actions are directed against the young protesters. Several hundreds of them are severely maltreated in police stations. One protester is dead on the evening of April 7, three others are found dead in particularly odd circumstances.

The massive street protest and the riots of April 7^th 2009 is considered to be the first “Twitter Revolution” in history. Indeed, the main means of communication used by young protesters was Internet. Messages were transmitted by using modern media – social networks, micro-blogging platforms, and mobile communications. In handling the protest of the young generation, the communist government has lost the communication war, by cruelly oppressing the popular will. The events of April 7^th 2009 represent a turning point in recent history of Moldova, as they have accelerated the democratic change in the country. Moldova has found itself completely isolated, but in several                      months (after the early elections of July 29^th 2009) everything will change. The April 2009 events have been followed by several resolutions, adopted by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, and the European Parliament. These resolutions clearly state the infringement of basic democratic rules by the communist government, and prone for more democracy, freedom and respect of fundamental human rights in the Republic of Moldova. In the months that followed the April 7^th events, the Party of Communists does not manage to receive the one missing vote in the Parliament, in order to elect its candidate (Zinaida Greceanii, the communist Prime-Minister during 2008 – 2009) as President of Moldova. Thus, the Parliament is dissolved and new elections are held on July 29^th 2009. In these new elections, the Moldovan Diaspora has played a major role. For the first time in recent history, emigrated Moldovans have acted as one political force, promoting democratic values and contributing to the democratic change in their country of origin.

4. The increasing political role of the Moldovan Diaspora

In this section, we will compare the participation rate of the Moldovan emigrated citizens in the parliamentary elections of 2009 (April 5^th and July 29^th) and 2010 [11]. We will also examine in detail the results of the voting abroad:

Parliamentary elections:April 5, 2009

Number of Diaspora votes: 16,916 (1,09 % of total) – 34 Voting Bureaus abroad

Results inMoldova:

Results in Diaspora:

Parliamentary elections:July 29, 2009

Number of Diaspora votes: 17,544 (1,10 % of total) – 34 Voting Bureaus abroad

Results in Moldova:

Results in Diaspora:

Parliamentary elections:November 28, 2010

Number of Diaspora votes: 64,201 (3,70 % of total) – 85 Voting Bureaus abroad

Results in Moldova:

Results in Diaspora:

By analyzing the charts presented here above, we can identify two main characteristics of the vote of the Moldovan Diaspora. First of all, it appears clearly that if given the opportunity, Moldovan emigrants will eagerly participate in political processes of their home country. Indeed, the sharp rise of the number of electoral bureaus in 2010 (85 bureaus, compared to 34 electoral bureaus in 2009) resulted into a very important increase of the number of voters: this figure has almost tripled. Second important factor: the structure of the vote in the Diaspora is extremely different if compared to the results inside the country. As we can see from the charts, it appears clearly that only 8 – 9 % of the Diaspora voters will give their vote for the Party of Communists. In 2010, the three democratic and liberal parties have won more than 82% of the votes among emigrated Moldovans. Therefore, inMoldova’s case, Diaspora appears as the main force of the democratic change, capable of influencing the composition of the Moldovan Parliament in favor of democratic, liberal, right-wing and pro-European oriented parties.

5. Conclusions

Moldovan Diaspora is a recent phenomenon that has appeared in the 1990’s, and takes its origins in the severe poverty that has struck theRepublicofMoldovaafter the collapse of theSoviet Union. Economic and social development of theRepublicofMoldovahas been undermined since the very moment of its independence, by forces that were still loyal to the Soviet imperialist mentality. The formation of the new state should have been only a stage on the path of re-unification withRomania. Instead, theRepublicofMoldovawas forced to fight for its existence, amongst separatist tendencies and Russian aggression.

Moldovans emigrate mainly to Latin Western countries (Italy,Spain,Portugal,

France), or toRussia. Emigration affects enormously the Moldovan labor market: about 40% of Moldovan work force has emigrated in the past 20 years. Nowadays, theRepublicofMoldovais strongly dependent on remittances, which constitute over 39% of the GDP. Massive remittances are almost completely spent in consumption economy, very little is being invested in the economy. We can clearly state that from the social and demographic perspective, the modern Moldovan emigration is a disaster, despite some economic benefits.

Recent elections have shown that Moldovan Diaspora participates more and more actively in the electoral processes related toMoldova. The voting results in the Diaspora are very different: communists represent a small, 8 – 9 % minority. The increase of the number of voting bureaus outside the country will lead to an even higher participation of the Moldovan Diaspora in the electoral process. The active implication of the Moldovan Diaspora in the political life of their homeland shows the willingness of the Diaspora to help the country, not only by massive remittances. Therefore, from the political perspective, the Moldovan Diaspora represents a hope for the process of genuine, sustainable democratization ofMoldova.

References:

[1] P. P. Panaitescu, “History of the Romanians” (ed. 1995)

[2] I. Scurtu, “History of Bessarabia from the oldest times until our days” (1994)

[3] I. Scurtu, “The Great Unification of 1918 in the international context” (2003)

[4] X. Deleu, “Transnistria. Europe’s powder keg”, Paris, Ed. Hugo (2005)

[5] Moldova National Human Development Report (2006): Material poverty and human development (hdr.undp.org Retrieved:23/10/2011)

[6] Dr. Th. Kring, IOM Report: Moldovan Migrants inItaly: Remittances and the Role of the Labor Market Partners (November 2007)

[7] www.statistica.md Retrieved: 16/11/2011

[8] O. Josanu, “Gazeta Basarabiei”, November 1-15, 2011

[9] World Bank and National Bank ofMoldova

[10] United Nations Human Development Report 2009 (hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr2009 Retrieved: 12/11/2011)

[11] www.alegeri.md Retrieved: 14/11/2011